Nilotpal basu biography of christopher

That is what the BJP is exactly trying to do. We cannot agree with them otherwise what is the point of our being in the Opposition. How does the Left see the recent event in Ayodhya? It was not at all related to religion or Lord Ram. We are criticising the politicisation of religion. We are not criticising any religion. What do you have to say? There is no question of Viksit Bharat.

They have been talking about Viksit Bharat since Their vikas is for whom, look at the unemployment rate, the price rise…schools are getting closed. Q Do you think your rivals are trying to create a misleading narrative? We need to stop them and cannot agree with their narrative. There has to be opposition to this. We have also come to this conclusion that neo liberal policies are not only being followed by the party in power; it is reflecting the outlook of the entire ruling class.

In this unprecedented juncture where the Left Front government has completed three decades in office and given the complexities of the present times it has become extremely important to identify the new reality for carrying struggle on restructuring the centre-state relations forward. Obviously, this new phase of globalisation has accentuated the adversities which the states had been suffering traditionally in the past.

At the same time, the broad consensus among our ruling classes on globalisation denies the opportunity that was available in the late seventies and eighties for creating a united platform of struggle on centre-state relations. On the other hand, it is also clear that the people at large are becoming increasingly vocal against the policies of the globalisation, particularly in the economic sphere.

A major exception to this trend is the Left Front government of West Bengal. The only conclusion that can be drawn from this emerging electoral trend is that the people are dislodging those governments because of the policies they are pursuing. This is notwithstanding the fact that they may not be in a position to specifically relate the nature of these policies and their roots in globalisation.

However, it is obvious that the people are not prepared to accept these policies. The meek submission before the market forces, withdrawal of the government by giving a go-by to planning, refusal to intervene in welfare-oriented social sector activities —— all these, are part of the present day reality. The struggle for safeguarding and expanding the rights of the states is, therefore, an integral part of the struggle for popularising this pro-people alternative.

Of course, the Left played a crucial role in ensuring such a course of development. Perhaps, there is no need to state that most of these commitments remain unimplemented during the last three years of UPA governance. Unilateral policy approach is being sought to be implemented by the government in keeping with the requirements of international finance capital which is completely insensitive to the rights and powers of the states.

Therefore, the growing public opinion against the central policy of alignment with globalisation can be a major factor in the struggle to restructure centre-state relations. The fact that the mandate in the elections was implicit of the popular rejection of globalization inspired policy measures demanded that the NCMP would commit on changes in the centre-state relations.

However, while the central government has not implemented its commitments, it has also not been possible for them to altogether overlook this question. That is why the government has appointed a new commission this year under the chairmanship of former judge Madan Mohan Punchi. This concern has prompted attempts to overcome socioeconomic inequality by inclusive affirmative action.

The fact of the matter is NEP constitutes a frontal assault on public funded education. Research universities, teaching universities and autonomous colleges aim to actually open floodgates of privatisation. That the NEP is not based on any concrete study becomes further clear from the fact that the policy has pegged such autonomous colleges at minimum student strength of 3, All India higher education survey shows of all the 39, colleges in the country, at present only 4.

For ensuring access to higher education, the challenge of education policy making is to guarantee affordability. Indian education shows that access is abysmally low at all levels with respect to even comparable developing economies. Similar exclusionary approach is evident in the proposal for cluster development in school education. NEP proposes several schools which are spread over in remote habitations are complex to manage and must be clubbed to form a cluster.

Apart from running contrary to the ideas of Right to Education Act which stipulates that every habitation must have a school within a radius of one km, the proposal merely repeats ideas of MN multi-national consulting agencies which under the stewardship of BJP led state governments forced closure of thousands of schools. Contrast this to Kerala where students of private schools are opting to join appropriately publicly funded institutions.

The process of implementation has become further adverse with the new drive for pursuing online education. The unabashed attack on public funded education with more aggressive pursuit for commercialization and privatization has taken place. The introduction of online platform has been a bigger factor towards privatization as the online dissemination has involved only the corporate sector.

The corporate online activity now recognized by the formal system has led to further exclusion of those sections of students who suffer from economic and social inequality. During the last two years we are also witness to sharp increase in fees and curtailment of scholarships particularly that of socially disadvantaged sections like the tribals, Dalits and minorities.

Implementation of the NEP has also seen complete undermining of the federal arrangement with initiatives being pursued through the bureaucracy even at the state level and concerns of state governments particularly, those of non-BJP state governments have been largely ignored. This is accompanied with a proactive role of the governors, particularly through their attempt to misinterpret the function of Chancellors through their role as Chancellors of even state universities.

The pursuit of the Hindutva agenda has become crystal clear. The communalisation of education is not limited to injecting communal content in the syllabus and offensive on our history and scientific temperament; there is a conscious attempt to redefine Indian identity along Hindutva lines. The UGC circular pushed by its Chairman is aiming to advance this agenda.

He is anchoring the effort to legitimise narratives of Hindutva proponents Savarkar and Golwalkar in the official academic space of Indian universities. It only betrays scheme of things that RSS and Hindutva forces plan to unleash in the sphere of higher education. At the level of intellectual inquiry into our historical past, the document does not have the pretensions of being a product of any rigorous historical research.

The development of Indian historiography as a serious discipline based on scientific evidence drawn from archaeological finds and the application of genomics. That this distortion in the study of our past is being sought to be perpetrated across our higher education space should not only cause concern but underline the need for building a platform of resistance to safeguard objective reading of our history and the foundations of our constitution.

That this claim is far from truth has now been irrefutably established through the genomic studies and DNA footprints to establish that India has been more of a site for inward migration and not the other way round. In its subjective desire to find the roots of modern democracy in ancient India, the concept note only manages a muddled and distorted history mechanically drawing on European and British colonial writings on Indian village systems.

This narrative has been the staple of European colonial historiography on India in the 19th century. Nothing could be more ironic than that, the Indian village which was one of the foundational premise of the colonial construct of the Indian past has become the main prop for celebrating Indian democracy as a part of the diamond jubilee of Indian independence.

No wonder that such a construct is the total denial of our anti-colonial legacy of the freedom struggle. That the RSS had carefully avoided to be part of the freedom struggle does not stop this doublespeak on Amritkaal and locating our democratic lineages of the ancient past. There is more evidence in the form of archeological, literary, numismatic, epigraphical, Bhakti and so on to emphasize the Loktantrik nilotpal basu biography of christopher of Bharat.

Apart from the essential colonial roots of underlying historiography, the note ends up in attributing Hindu religious and cultural identity rooted in the Brahminical tradition to explain our past. Apart from overlooking concrete evidence of traditions that challenge the authority of the Vedas and Brahminical scheme, the Hindutva ideologues in the ICHR are hell bent to whitewash these dissenting alternative traditions.

This is typical repetition of Savarkar and Golwalkar assertion. This is a plain denial of the hierarchical social order perpetrated by Varnashram. The ICHR note also echoes the Hindutva narrative of the Indian past and attempts to project the so-called Bharatiya roots of Constitutional democracy in contemporary India by completely distorting and whitewashing the legacy of anti-colonial freedom struggle.

The most gruesome crimes were committed against humanity, Dalits and women by the very same tradition — the Brahminical order. Many of the Dharmarashtras and the other Sutras underlining the ideologically loaded nature of the note. And now, the Government has decided to further aggressively pursue the communal rewriting and teaching of Indian history.

The government is obviously overlooking that different periods of our past cannot be just deleted based on communal prejudice. This underlines the majoritarian mindset which is distorting history itself by dropping entire chapters about the Mughal empire. That the current efforts to revise the text books are actually intended to nilotpal basu biography of christopher the divisive and violent role of the RSS is evident in the manner in which the crucial sentences regarding the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi which led to the ban of the organization is sought to be struck off.

We urge the government to immediately take the necessary steps to reverse these obnoxious steps and restore the old text books. We also urge upon all Indian patriots interested in defending the objective study of our past to raise their voice of protest. Notwithstanding the many changes that the law has undergone so far as the governance of higher education is concerned, this sector is not in the central list and the state governments have constitution ordained role in this area.

In the constitution, state governments are state governments; in no way the governors can subsume the powers of the elected state governments. The UGC chairperson by having written directly to the governors for organising seminars on the subjects enunciated by the ICHR note is a blatant attack on the powers of the state. That such cynical acts are not stand-alone episodes but part of the larger scheme of to centralise powers at the cost of the constitutional arrangement becomes all the clearer from this latest UGC missive.

Notwithstanding the initial constraints to build a resistance to NEP and the simultaneous push for online education, different sectors involved in education has been able to regroup themselves to change this situation. They are now been able to affectively expose the real nature of this pernicious policy. This is largely due to the vicious attack of its implementation so far.

That this will largely undermining publicly funded education at all levels is becoming amply clear. There has been a large number of closure of schools. Its intensity varies from state to state. This is happening due to the process of consolidation which runs contrary to the provisions of Right to Education Act. These closures are affecting communities and neighborhoods, particularly, those which are poor and inhabited by Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and minority community.

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Nilotpal basu biography of christopher

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